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The Obama Project
© Bess Greenberg

The Obama Project is an online forum for commentary, analysis, poetry, photographs, and videos that explores the following questions: What Does The Election of Barack Obama Mean To You? And What Does it Mean for The Nation?

We ask you to submit texts (from a single line to 2,000 words), photographs, or content you've posted on YouTube. We will be uploading content on an ongoing basis through the inauguration and beyond.

To submit texts or images, go to the "Participate" tab on the yellow tool bar in the lower right of this page. You may also send texts (and photo attachments) directly to voices at polltrack dot com.

However you submit materials, PLEASE: include your full name and your city and state or location (if outside the US).

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Pilgrimage: 20 January 2009 Part 1

Posted Feb 05, 2009 at 4:01 PM
Rachael Hope Caine, San Francisco, California

National Cathedral. Day before the inauguration: The walls were singing, we were all singing!

 

 

7:30 in the morning.  January 20, 2008 A papa and his son are getting some breakfast, going to stay there through the morning to chat. Dad says, "it's a pretty worthy morning to get out of the house early,"  turns to his kid and says, "you wanna be president some day?" then and turns back to me to giggle loudly. Ben's Chili Bowl is about a mile from The Mall, and at this point, 3 hours away from our final standing point.

  

 

 

Pilgrimage: 3.5 miles.  25 Degrees. .5 miles left This lovely couple had hot cocoa, tea and orange juice waiting for the brave ones on their pilgrimage towards The Mall.

 

10 AM, Lost. After the long walk through the chill and crowds we made it to The Mall; little problem about The Mall, its huge!  We were barricaded. The police didn't know where to direct us. The only way to our section is through 2 million people and kitty cornered streets. "So where do I go?"  In the craze and illegal jumping over fences (in a select few places), people paused to point others in the right direction.  Some people never made it. 


 

 © Rachael Hope Caine

Pilgrimage: 20 January 2009 Part 2

Posted Feb 05, 2009 at 4:01 PM
Rachael Hope Caine, San Francisco, California

Celebrating: This woman is from the Virgin Islands. She was loudly chanting, "yes we can, yes we can, yes we did, yes we did, yes we're gonna do it, yes we're gonna do it!" Had all of us around her, freezing and emotional, crying with laughter at her rhythm and timing.


The Aftermath.

 

The Pilgrimage Home

 

Airport: In case there was a lapse in our view of reality, we would not forget the moment.


© Rachael Hope Caine

What Kind Of Cultural Leader Will Obama Be?

Posted Feb 02, 2009 at 12:26 PM
András Szántó , New York, New York

Unlike most American presidents, he writes his own books. He is said to enjoy music, especially blues and jazz. His chief of staff was a ballet dancer. His appointees have enough PhDs to fill a faculty club. But what will his arts policy be like? And what will it mean for the visual arts?

Barack Obama was sworn in on 20 January with a historic mandate for change. Extraordinary times call for bold actions and visionary ideas. Big government is back. Hopes are for an administration that is not only more progressive, but also smarter.

This could be good news for the arts—as long as they can build a convincing case that they serve the public interest. Long banished to the periphery of public affairs, arts policy is poised to make a comeback under various 21st-century guises: from economic stimulus programs to “soft diplomacy” initiatives to digital-age intellectual property regulation. The opportunity to rethink government’s role comes at a time when it is readily acknowledged among arts professionals that cultural support in America is outdated in its assumptions, sclerotic in its methods, biased in its outcomes, and inefficient in its use of philanthropic and taxpayer dollars. It’s time to move on. But where?


In search of a road map, I hope I’ll be excused for borrowing from one of Obama’s fellow Chicagoans. Speaking in 2003, Donald Rumsfeld, the former US Defence Secretary, famously sorted events into three types. “Known knowns” are things we know, based on the record. “Known unknowns” are things we don’t yet know, but which should be clarified in due course. Finally, “unknown unknowns” are, in Rumsfeld’s words, “the ones we don’t know we don’t know”— circumstances for which no one has prepared.

Known Knowns

Short of major arts appointments or speeches by the President, we’re left with clues from the campaign and the transition. The Obama-Biden “Platform in Support for the Arts” was, by virtue of its existence, an extraordinary document. It was also unusually specific: invest in arts education, expand public/private partnerships between schools and arts organizations, create an “Artist Corps” to work in low-income schools and communities, increase funding for the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA), promote cultural diplomacy. There is every reason to believe these priorities should outlast the campaign.

Obama’s thinking on cultural issues is informed, in part, by a group of mainly Chicago-based academics and experts. One of his most influential advisers, Bill Ivey, the former NEA chairman now based at Vanderbilt University, is overseeing the transition of the major federal cultural agencies. His world view may be emblematic of emerging currents in arts policy.

Ivey’s approach, summarized in his 2008 book, Arts Inc. How Greed and Neglect Have Destroyed Our Cultural Rights, stresses the “expressive life” and “cultural vibrancy” of communities—qualities that rely on much more than the contributions of fine-arts institutions, such as museums. As a folklorist with ties to country music, Ivey is also a champion of universal and unfettered access to the “intangible heritage” of quintessentially American cultural forms, such as films and popular-music recordings. “The copyright-fueled marketplace is the biggest single obstacle separating Americans from the full exercise of our cultural rights,” he argues in his book. Government, in Ivey’s view, shouldn’t confine itself exclusively to nurturing professional non-profit arts organizations—which only keep going “back to the old well with a shinier, bigger bucket”. Public funds should flow where culture actually happens, and arts policy should vigorously embrace the broadcast and Internet domains.

Ivey is hardly alone in pushing beyond traditional notions of high culture. He represents a new school of arts-policy thinking that places value on hitherto underappreciated, amateur, community-based, digitally-mediated, often commercial arts—the kind of creative pursuits, in short, which most Americans enjoy. This broadening of perspective would constitute the biggest shift in policy since the implementation of large-scale cultural support in the post-war era.

Another widely anticipated change has to do with the mechanics of government support. Total cultural expenditures by the federal government—through agencies for education, trade, parks, transportation, trade, and even defense—vastly exceed the National Endowment’s paltry budget. (Compare the NEA’s $144m annual allocation to the $10 billion Obama has pledged for early childhood education.) Rather than try to massively boost the NEA—a hard sell, even in the best of times—the administration will likely emphasize coordination across the full breadth of government. No “arts czar” is likely to be installed in the West Wing, and my bet is that calls to create a cabinet-level “Secretary of the Arts” (as recently sounded by music producer Quincy Jones) will fall on deaf ears. But the arts may be inserted into the portfolios of senior departmental officials.

Economic stimulus and bailout projects would be the most obvious cross-agency initiatives. With the economy tanking, there is no shortage of proposals—including some that amount to wishful thinking. Mark I. Pinky, writing in The New Republic, for example, proposed a bailout for old-media journalists in a revival of FDR’s Federal Writers Project. From universities to museums, every cultural group is composing its own wish list. It shouldn’t be long before we hear pleas to revive Depression-era programs in art, music, and theater. If government could employ 3,700 visual artists in 1933-34, the thinking goes, why not do the same in our current hour of need?

But, unfortunately, the arts will be at the back of a long line of potential bailout targets—and, as the case of the Las Vegas mob museum that found its way into a Nevada bailout request exemplifies, some ideas will be shot down as frivolous. Moreover, the rationale for subsidizing art production isn’t as clear today as it was 70 years ago. Back then, America was a young nation with a weak arts infrastructure. Today, it may have a cultural overproduction problem—too much art chasing after the same audiences and dollars.

That’s why public investment will be directed to education and national-service initiatives (on the Peace Corps and Teach for America model). Beyond their unassailable human and community benefits, such programs create jobs while helping to replenish tomorrow’s arts audiences.

Known Unknowns

So what would a latter-day federal arts project look like? We don’t know, but we can guess. Few predict a renaissance of mural painting, as happened during the Great Depression, though restoring those WPA-era murals would be a good way to deploy idle artistic capacity (a huge inventory of cultural sites awaits refurbishment). A percent-for-art program attached to stimulus spending on schools, roads, bridges, hospitals, and mass transport could spark a boomlet in public art. Yet, a 21st-century public work project—if there is one—should address some contemporary needs and use the modern skills of today’s creative workers. The monumental effort of digitizing public collections and moving libraries and civic institutions online would be one place to start.

Here are some other policy domains that have likely, but as-yet unclear implications for the visual arts:

• Public diplomacy: Under Hillary Clinton, the State Department is expected to dust off the arsenal of “soft” statecraft to burnish America’s image in the world. Sponsorship for cultural and educational exchanges, exhibitions and festivals, heritage and preservation could uncork funds for the visual arts. Questions abound: would Secretary Clinton recreate the United States Information Agency (which her husband’s administration merged into State)? Would public diplomacy initiatives range beyond hot zones like the Middle East? Does today’s art faithfully represent America’s positive ideals, as Abstract Expressionism was believed to have done during the Cold War?

• Intellectual property: Intellectual property regulations have been fervently criticized for erecting unduly high barriers of access to content—a big problem for artists seeking to use source material by others. Yet copyright also underpins the livelihood of creative industries. Will copyright laws, in particular the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, come under review by the new administration? Can Obama engineer a workable compromise between content owners and content users?

• Old and new media: With the vast majority of Americans connecting to culture electronically, questions about distribution and access loom large. The Federal Communications Commission might become an important battleground of cultural policy. What will happen to public radio and public broadcasting? Do existing decency laws still make sense? Will “net neutrality”—the principle that all digital information must be treated equally—prevail online, or will telecommunications companies be allowed to impose tiered restrictions and fees on certain types of content?

• Tax policy: Much of America’s arts policy is, in fact, tax policy. The scale and timing of the rollback of Bush-era tax cuts for the wealthy—including the perpetuation of the estate tax—will have a measurable impact on philanthropic donations, and thus, arts organizations. Several arts groups are pushing for tax incentives for artists to donate work to museums by allowing them to deduct the full fair-market value of their creations (they can presently deduct only materials). But how soon Obama can address taxation is anyone’s guess.

• Symbolic politics: Under Obama, artists may be a more frequent sight in the White House, and not just in an ornamental role. They can be parties to conversations about America’s problems, which require empathy and imagination to solve. In a time of anxiety, artists—who rallied behind Obama’s Presidential Campaign in unprecedented numbers—may be drafted to help lift the national spirit. This may sound touchy-feely, but Americans are, to an extent other nations consistently underestimate, remarkably susceptible to symbolic appeals. The story of Shepard Fairey’s reverential Obama portrait, which became an icon of the 2008 campaign and has now been acquired by the National Portrait Gallery (see right), may portend a new alliance between politics and art.

Unknown Unknowns

Finally, the surprises which nobody really knows how to tackle. The best-laid plans may have to be put on hold to deal with situations unlike any recent American president has faced.

What if there is a systemic failure of cultural institutions? How does public policy work during deflation? Who will sustain the arts if foundation assets go up in smoke? What should government do if scores of museums go bankrupt (as LA MOCA did) and private benefactors don’t step up (as they did in Los Angeles)? Should Washington rescue state arts budgets? Does austerity demand more oversight of nonprofits, or more freedom so they can figure out how to survive? More fundamentally, will a nation that has partially nationalized its financial institutions warm up to nationalizing cultural assets? What would US culture feel like if government were compelled to become more deeply enmeshed in the arts?

The most urgent question for the visual arts is whether they can make a valid claim on public resources amidst the current economic calamity. Or will they be branded elitist, out-of-touch, of no clear and present value to the project of national renewal? “As long as art is the beauty parlor of civilization, neither art nor civilization is secure,” the philosopher John Dewey warned in 1934, as America faced another upheaval while inventing a new cultural role for government. Barack Obama’s thinking may be similar, and the art world should take note.

András Szántó is a writer, researcher, and consultant whose work spans the worlds of art, media, policy, and cultural affairs. He is a member of the senior faculty of the Sotheby's Institute of Art in New York and director of the NEA Arts Journalism Program at Columbia University's Graduate School of Journalism. He is the founder of ArtworldSalon, the international online site on art issues and has been the editor of the journal ARTicles and Reflections.

This essay was first published in The Art Newspaper, www.theartnewspaper.com.

 


Transition Report

Posted Jan 28, 2009 at 10:51 AM
Marvin Heiferman, New York, New York

© Marvin Heiferman

Video Essays: With Students On The Ground

Posted Jan 24, 2009 at 6:25 PM
Julie Jacobson/Martha Irvine/Lee Powell, Associated Press

Watching History Unfold: In this video essay, the AP's Julie Jacobson documents sixth graders at Eagle Academy in Brooklyn, New York, as they took in President Barack Obama's inaugural address on Tuesday, 20 January 2008.

Obama Inspires Students: In this video essay, Kindergarteners through eighth-graders at Chicago's Kate Starr Kellogg public school marked the inauguration of President Obama with a school parade, poetry and essays. An AP video essay by Martha Irvine.

For students, Swearing In Is A No-Go: Some Spelman College students came to Washington for the inauguration, riding all night in a bus. But they missed the swearing-in. Still, the AP's Lee Powell found the students still upbeat.

Video Essay: "The Moment" Of Presidency

Posted Jan 24, 2009 at 6:08 PM
Associated Press, Worldwide, On The Ground

In this video essay, the Associated Press takes a look at how people around the world reacted to the moment the power of the Presidency was exchanged from George W. Bush to Barack Obama.

Elizabeth Alexander: "Praise Song For The Day"

Posted Jan 20, 2009 at 3:03 PM
Elizabeth Alexander, Inaugural Poem, Yale University, New Haven, CT

Praise Song for the Day

Each day we go about our business,
walking past each other, catching each other’s
eyes or not, about to speak or speaking.

All about us is noise. All about us is
noise and bramble, thorn and din, each
one of our ancestors on our tongues.

Someone is stitching up a hem, darning
a hole in a uniform, patching a tire,
repairing the things in need of repair.

Someone is trying to make music somewhere,
with a pair of wooden spoons on an oil drum,
with cello, boom box, harmonica, voice.

A woman and her son wait for the bus.
A farmer considers the changing sky.
A teacher says, Take out your pencils. Begin.

We encounter each other in words, words
spiny or smooth, whispered or declaimed,
words to consider, reconsider.

We cross dirt roads and highways that mark
the will of some one and then others, who said
I need to see what’s on the other side.

I know there’s something better down the road.
We need to find a place where we are safe.
We walk into that which we cannot yet see.

Say it plain: that many have died for this day.
Sing the names of the dead who brought us here,
who laid the train tracks, raised the bridges,

picked the cotton and the lettuce, built
brick by brick the glittering edifices
they would then keep clean and work inside of.

Praise song for struggle, praise song for the day.
Praise song for every hand-lettered sign,
the figuring-it-out at kitchen tables.

Some live by love thy neighbor as thyself,
others by first do no harm or take no more
than you need
. What if the mightiest word is love?

Love beyond marital, filial, national,
love that casts a widening pool of light,
love with no need to pre-empt grievance.

In today’s sharp sparkle, this winter air,
any thing can be made, any sentence begun.
On the brink, on the brim, on the cusp,

praise song for walking forward in that light.

© Elizabeth Alexander
Text Provided By Graywolf Press

President Barack Obama's Oath of Office and Inaugural Address

Posted Jan 20, 2009 at 2:28 PM
Barack Obama, Washington, D.C.

My fellow citizens, I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.

I thank President Bush for his service to our nation as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.

Homes have been lost, jobs shed, businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly, our schools fail too many, and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable, but no less profound, is a sapping of confidence across our land; a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real, they are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this America: They will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted, for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor -- who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West, endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died in places Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn. Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions -- that time has surely passed.

Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America. For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of our economy calls for action: bold and swift. And we will act not only to create new jobs but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its costs. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.

All this we can do. All this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions, who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short, for they have forgotten what this country has already done, what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose and necessity to courage.  What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them, that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long, no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works, whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.

Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end.

And those of us who manage the public's knowledge will be held to account, to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day, because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government. Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched. But this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control. The nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart -- not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good. As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.

Our founding fathers faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so, to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more. Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.

They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use. Our security emanates from the justness of our cause; the force of our example; the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy, guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort, even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We'll begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people and forge a hard- earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we'll work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life nor will we waver in its defense. And for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that, "Our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken. You cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you." For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.

We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus, and nonbelievers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth.

And because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace. In the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.

To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict or blame their society's ills on the West, know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those, to those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history, but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist. To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.

And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders, nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.

We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service: a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment, a moment that will define a generation, it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all. For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break; the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new, the instruments with which we meet them may be new, but those values upon which our success depends, honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old.

These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.

What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship. This is the source of our confidence: the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny. This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed, why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall. And why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day in remembrance of who we are and how far we have traveled.

In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by nine campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people: "Let it be told to the future world that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet it."

America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words; with hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come; let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

Dr. King's Prediction

Posted Jan 20, 2009 at 10:48 AM
BBC World News America, British Broadcasting System, London, UK

BBC World News America has unearthed a clip of Dr Martin Luther King speaking to the BBC's Bob McKenzie in 1964 in which Dr King predicts an African-American president "in less than 40 years."

Inaugural Poems: A Brief History

Posted Jan 20, 2009 at 12:32 AM
Byron Pitts, correspondent, CBS Evening News, National

This report from CBS Evening News about poet Elizabeth Alexander also features a concise history of the reading of inaugural poems over the past half century, an event that has occured only three times before.

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