The Obama Project is an online forum for commentary, analysis, poetry, photographs, and videos that explores the following questions: What Does The Election of Barack Obama Mean To You? And What Does it Mean for The Nation?
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Posted Feb 05, 2009 at 4:01 PM
Rachael Hope Caine,
San Francisco, California
National Cathedral. Day before the inauguration: The walls were singing, we
were all singing!
7:30 in the morning. January 20, 2008 A papa and his son are getting some
breakfast, going to stay there through the morning to chat. Dad says, "it's
a pretty worthy morning to get out of the house early," turns to his kid and
says, "you wanna be president some day?" then and turns back to me to giggle
loudly. Ben's Chili Bowl is about a mile from The Mall, and at this point, 3
hours away from our final standing point.
Pilgrimage: 3.5 miles. 25 Degrees. .5 miles left This lovely couple had hot cocoa, tea
and orange juice waiting for the brave ones on their pilgrimage towards The
Mall.
10 AM, Lost. After the long walk through the chill and crowds we made it to The Mall; little
problem about The Mall, its huge! We were barricaded. The police didn't know where to direct
us. The only way to our section is through 2 million people and kitty cornered
streets. "So where do I go?" In the craze and illegal jumping over fences (in a select few places),
people paused to point others in the right direction. Some people never made it.
Posted Feb 05, 2009 at 4:01 PM
Rachael Hope Caine,
San Francisco, California
Celebrating: This woman is from the Virgin Islands. She was loudly chanting, "yes we
can, yes we can, yes we did, yes we did, yes we're gonna do it, yes we're gonna
do it!" Had all of us around her, freezing and emotional, crying with
laughter at her rhythm and timing.
The Aftermath.
The Pilgrimage Home
Airport: In case there was a lapse in our view of reality, we would not forget the
moment.
Posted Feb 02, 2009 at 12:26 PM
András Szántó ,
New York, New York
Unlike most American presidents, he writes his own books. He is said to enjoy
music, especially blues and jazz. His chief of staff was a ballet dancer. His
appointees have enough PhDs to fill a faculty club. But what will his arts
policy be like? And what will it mean for the visual arts?
Barack Obama was sworn in on 20 January with a historic mandate for change.
Extraordinary times call for bold actions and visionary ideas. Big government is
back. Hopes are for an administration that is not only more progressive, but
also smarter.
This could be good news for the arts—as long as they can
build a convincing case that they serve the public interest. Long banished to
the periphery of public affairs, arts policy is poised to make a comeback under
various 21st-century guises: from economic stimulus programs to “soft
diplomacy” initiatives to digital-age intellectual property regulation. The
opportunity to rethink government’s role comes at a time when it is readily
acknowledged among arts professionals that cultural support in America is
outdated in its assumptions, sclerotic in its methods, biased in its outcomes,
and inefficient in its use of philanthropic and taxpayer dollars. It’s time to
move on. But where?
In search of a road map, I hope I’ll be excused for borrowing from one of
Obama’s fellow Chicagoans. Speaking in 2003, Donald Rumsfeld, the former US
Defence Secretary, famously sorted events into three types. “Known knowns” are
things we know, based on the record. “Known unknowns” are things we don’t yet
know, but which should be clarified in due course. Finally, “unknown unknowns”
are, in Rumsfeld’s words, “the ones we don’t know we don’t know”— circumstances
for which no one has prepared.
Known Knowns
Short of major
arts appointments or speeches by the President, we’re left with clues from the
campaign and the transition. The Obama-Biden “Platform in Support for the Arts”
was, by virtue of its existence, an extraordinary document. It was also
unusually specific: invest in arts education, expand public/private partnerships
between schools and arts organizations, create an “Artist Corps” to work in
low-income schools and communities, increase funding for the National Endowment
for the Arts (NEA), promote cultural diplomacy. There is every reason to believe
these priorities should outlast the campaign.
Obama’s thinking on
cultural issues is informed, in part, by a group of mainly Chicago-based
academics and experts. One of his most influential advisers, Bill Ivey, the
former NEA chairman now based at Vanderbilt University, is overseeing the
transition of the major federal cultural agencies. His world view may be
emblematic of emerging currents in arts policy.
Ivey’s approach,
summarized in his 2008 book, Arts Inc. How Greed and Neglect Have Destroyed Our
Cultural Rights, stresses the “expressive life” and “cultural vibrancy” of
communities—qualities that rely on much more than the contributions of fine-arts
institutions, such as museums. As a folklorist with ties to country music, Ivey
is also a champion of universal and unfettered access to the “intangible
heritage” of quintessentially American cultural forms, such as films and
popular-music recordings. “The copyright-fueled marketplace is the biggest
single obstacle separating Americans from the full exercise of our cultural
rights,” he argues in his book. Government, in Ivey’s view, shouldn’t confine
itself exclusively to nurturing professional non-profit arts organizations—which
only keep going “back to the old well with a shinier, bigger bucket”. Public
funds should flow where culture actually happens, and arts policy should
vigorously embrace the broadcast and Internet domains.
Ivey is hardly
alone in pushing beyond traditional notions of high culture. He represents a new
school of arts-policy thinking that places value on hitherto underappreciated,
amateur, community-based, digitally-mediated, often commercial arts—the kind of
creative pursuits, in short, which most Americans enjoy. This broadening of
perspective would constitute the biggest shift in policy since the
implementation of large-scale cultural support in the post-war era.
Another widely anticipated change has to do with the mechanics of government
support. Total cultural expenditures by the federal government—through agencies
for education, trade, parks, transportation, trade, and even defense—vastly
exceed the National Endowment’s paltry budget. (Compare the NEA’s $144m annual
allocation to the $10 billion Obama has pledged for early childhood education.)
Rather than try to massively boost the NEA—a hard sell, even in the best of
times—the administration will likely emphasize coordination across the full
breadth of government. No “arts czar” is likely to be installed in the West
Wing, and my bet is that calls to create a cabinet-level “Secretary of the Arts”
(as recently sounded by music producer Quincy Jones) will fall on deaf ears. But
the arts may be inserted into the portfolios of senior departmental
officials.
Economic stimulus and bailout projects would be the most
obvious cross-agency initiatives. With the economy tanking, there is no shortage
of proposals—including some that amount to wishful thinking. Mark I. Pinky,
writing in The New Republic, for example, proposed a bailout for old-media
journalists in a revival of FDR’s Federal Writers Project. From universities to
museums, every cultural group is composing its own wish list. It shouldn’t be
long before we hear pleas to revive Depression-era programs in art, music, and
theater. If government could employ 3,700 visual artists in 1933-34, the
thinking goes, why not do the same in our current hour of need?
But,
unfortunately, the arts will be at the back of a long line of potential bailout
targets—and, as the case of the Las Vegas mob museum that found its way into a
Nevada bailout request exemplifies, some ideas will be shot down as frivolous.
Moreover, the rationale for subsidizing art production isn’t as clear today as
it was 70 years ago. Back then, America was a young nation with a weak arts
infrastructure. Today, it may have a cultural overproduction problem—too much
art chasing after the same audiences and dollars.
That’s why public
investment will be directed to education and national-service initiatives (on
the Peace Corps and Teach for America model). Beyond their unassailable human
and community benefits, such programs create jobs while helping to replenish
tomorrow’s arts audiences.
Known Unknowns
So what would a
latter-day federal arts project look like? We don’t know, but we can guess. Few
predict a renaissance of mural painting, as happened during the Great
Depression, though restoring those WPA-era murals would be a good way to deploy
idle artistic capacity (a huge inventory of cultural sites awaits
refurbishment). A percent-for-art program attached to stimulus spending on
schools, roads, bridges, hospitals, and mass transport could spark a boomlet in
public art. Yet, a 21st-century public work project—if there is one—should
address some contemporary needs and use the modern skills of today’s creative
workers. The monumental effort of digitizing public collections and moving
libraries and civic institutions online would be one place to start.
Here are some other policy domains that have likely, but as-yet unclear
implications for the visual arts:
• Public diplomacy: Under Hillary
Clinton, the State Department is expected to dust off the arsenal of “soft”
statecraft to burnish America’s image in the world. Sponsorship for cultural and
educational exchanges, exhibitions and festivals, heritage and preservation
could uncork funds for the visual arts. Questions abound: would Secretary
Clinton recreate the United States Information Agency (which her husband’s
administration merged into State)? Would public diplomacy initiatives range
beyond hot zones like the Middle East? Does today’s art faithfully represent
America’s positive ideals, as Abstract Expressionism was believed to have done
during the Cold War?
• Intellectual property: Intellectual property
regulations have been fervently criticized for erecting unduly high barriers of
access to content—a big problem for artists seeking to use source material by
others. Yet copyright also underpins the livelihood of creative industries. Will
copyright laws, in particular the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, come under
review by the new administration? Can Obama engineer a workable compromise
between content owners and content users?
• Old and new media: With the
vast majority of Americans connecting to culture electronically, questions about
distribution and access loom large. The Federal Communications Commission might
become an important battleground of cultural policy. What will happen to public
radio and public broadcasting? Do existing decency laws still make sense? Will
“net neutrality”—the principle that all digital information must be treated
equally—prevail online, or will telecommunications companies be allowed to
impose tiered restrictions and fees on certain types of content?
• Tax
policy: Much of America’s arts policy is, in fact, tax policy. The scale and
timing of the rollback of Bush-era tax cuts for the wealthy—including the
perpetuation of the estate tax—will have a measurable impact on philanthropic
donations, and thus, arts organizations. Several arts groups are pushing for tax
incentives for artists to donate work to museums by allowing them to deduct the
full fair-market value of their creations (they can presently deduct only
materials). But how soon Obama can address taxation is anyone’s guess.
•
Symbolic politics: Under Obama, artists may be a more frequent sight in the
White House, and not just in an ornamental role. They can be parties to
conversations about America’s problems, which require empathy and imagination to
solve. In a time of anxiety, artists—who rallied behind Obama’s Presidential
Campaign in unprecedented numbers—may be drafted to help lift the national
spirit. This may sound touchy-feely, but Americans are, to an extent other
nations consistently underestimate, remarkably susceptible to symbolic appeals.
The story of Shepard Fairey’s reverential Obama portrait, which became an icon
of the 2008 campaign and has now been acquired by the National Portrait Gallery
(see right), may portend a new alliance between politics and
art.
Unknown Unknowns
Finally, the surprises which nobody
really knows how to tackle. The best-laid plans may have to be put on hold to
deal with situations unlike any recent American president has faced.
What if there is a systemic failure of cultural institutions? How does
public policy work during deflation? Who will sustain the arts if foundation
assets go up in smoke? What should government do if scores of museums go
bankrupt (as LA MOCA did) and private benefactors don’t step up (as they did in
Los Angeles)? Should Washington rescue state arts budgets? Does austerity demand
more oversight of nonprofits, or more freedom so they can figure out how to
survive? More fundamentally, will a nation that has partially nationalized its
financial institutions warm up to nationalizing cultural assets? What would US
culture feel like if government were compelled to become more deeply enmeshed in
the arts?
The most urgent question for the visual arts is whether they
can make a valid claim on public resources amidst the current economic calamity.
Or will they be branded elitist, out-of-touch, of no clear and present value to
the project of national renewal? “As long as art is the beauty parlor of
civilization, neither art nor civilization is secure,” the philosopher John
Dewey warned in 1934, as America faced another upheaval while inventing a new
cultural role for government. Barack Obama’s thinking may be similar, and the
art world should take note.
András Szántó is a writer, researcher, and consultant whose work spans the worlds of art, media, policy, and cultural affairs. He is a member of the senior faculty of the Sotheby's Institute of Art in New York and director of the NEA Arts Journalism Program at Columbia University's Graduate School of Journalism. He is the founder of ArtworldSalon, the international online site on art issues and has been the editor of the journal ARTicles and Reflections.
Posted Jan 24, 2009 at 6:25 PM
Julie Jacobson/Martha Irvine/Lee Powell,
Associated Press
Watching History Unfold: In this video essay, the AP's Julie Jacobson documents sixth graders at Eagle Academy in Brooklyn, New York, as they took in President
Barack Obama's inaugural address on Tuesday, 20 January 2008.
Obama Inspires Students: In this video essay, Kindergarteners through eighth-graders at Chicago's Kate Starr
Kellogg public school marked the inauguration of President Obama with a
school parade, poetry and essays. An AP video essay by Martha Irvine.
For students, Swearing In Is A No-Go: Some Spelman College students came to
Washington for the inauguration, riding all night in a bus. But they
missed the swearing-in. Still, the AP's Lee Powell found the students
still upbeat.
Posted Jan 24, 2009 at 6:08 PM
Associated Press,
Worldwide, On The Ground
In this video essay, the Associated Press takes a look at how
people around the world reacted to the moment the power of the Presidency was exchanged
from George W. Bush to Barack Obama.
Posted Jan 20, 2009 at 2:28 PM
Barack Obama,
Washington, D.C.
My fellow citizens, I stand here today humbled by the task before us,
grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our
ancestors.
I thank President Bush for his service to our nation as well as the
generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have
been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.
Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.
At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or
vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful
to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at
war against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly
weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some but
also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a
new age.
Homes have been lost, jobs shed, businesses shuttered. Our health care is too
costly, our schools fail too many, and each day brings further evidence that the
ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less
measurable, but no less profound, is a sapping of confidence across our land; a
nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, that the next generation must
lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real, they are serious and
they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know
this America: They will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of
purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false
promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have
strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to
set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to
choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea,
passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are
equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of
happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is
never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or
settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted, for those who
prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather,
it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated,
but more often men and women obscure in their labor -- who have carried us up
the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across
oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled
the West, endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they
fought and died in places Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn. Time
and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their
hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger
than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of
birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous,
powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this
crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less
needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains
undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and
putting off unpleasant decisions -- that time has surely passed.
Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin
again the work of remaking America. For everywhere we look, there is work to be
done. The state of our economy calls for action: bold and swift. And we will act
not only to create new jobs but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will
build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our
commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place and
wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its costs.
We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our
factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to
meet the demands of a new age.
All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions, who suggest that
our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short, for
they have forgotten what this country has already done, what free men and women
can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose and necessity to
courage. What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted
beneath them, that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so
long, no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government
is too big or too small, but whether it works, whether it helps families find
jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.
Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no,
programs will end.
And those of us who manage the public's knowledge will be held to account, to
spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day,
because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their
government. Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good
or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched. But this
crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of
control. The nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The
success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross
domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on the ability to extend
opportunity to every willing heart -- not out of charity, but because it is the
surest route to our common good. As for our common defense, we reject as false
the choice between our safety and our ideals.
Our founding fathers faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted
a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by
the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not
give them up for expedience's sake. And so, to all other peoples and governments
who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my
father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man,
woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to
lead once more. Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism
not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring
convictions.
They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle
us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its
prudent use. Our security emanates from the justness of our cause; the force of
our example; the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy, guided by these principles once more, we
can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort, even greater
cooperation and understanding between nations. We'll begin to responsibly leave
Iraq to its people and forge a hard- earned peace in Afghanistan. With old
friends and former foes, we'll work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat and
roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of
life nor will we waver in its defense. And for those who seek to advance their
aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that, "Our
spirit is stronger and cannot be broken. You cannot outlast us, and we will
defeat you." For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a
weakness.
We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus, and nonbelievers.
We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this
Earth.
And because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation and
emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but
believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall
soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal
itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
In the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and
mutual respect.
To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict or blame their
society's ills on the West, know that your people will judge you on what you can
build, not what you destroy. To those, to those who cling to power through
corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the
wrong side of history, but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to
unclench your fist. To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside
you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved
bodies and feed hungry minds.
And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no
longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders, nor can we
consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has
changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble
gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts
and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes
who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.
We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because
they embody the spirit of service: a willingness to find meaning in something
greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment, a moment that will define a
generation, it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all. For as much as
government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of
the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in
a stranger when the levees break; the selflessness of workers who would rather
cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our
darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with
smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides
our fate.
Our challenges may be new, the instruments with which we meet them may be
new, but those values upon which our success depends, honesty and hard work,
courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these
things are old.
These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout
our history.
What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now
is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American,
that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world, duties that we do
not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there
is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character than giving
our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship. This is the source of our
confidence: the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed, why men and women and children
of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent
mall. And why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been
served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred
oath.
So let us mark this day in remembrance of who we are and how far we have
traveled.
In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of
patriots huddled by nine campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital
was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a
moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our
nation ordered these words be read to the people: "Let it be told to the future
world that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could
survive, that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth
to meet it."
America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship,
let us remember these timeless words; with hope and virtue, let us brave once
more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come; let it be said by our
children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end,
that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon
and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and
delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of
America.
Posted Jan 20, 2009 at 10:48 AM
BBC World News America,
British Broadcasting System, London, UK
BBC World News America has unearthed a clip of Dr Martin
Luther King speaking to the BBC's Bob McKenzie in 1964 in which Dr King
predicts an African-American president "in less than 40 years."
Posted Jan 20, 2009 at 12:32 AM
Byron Pitts, correspondent, CBS Evening News,
National
This report from CBS Evening News about poet Elizabeth Alexander also features a concise history of the reading of inaugural poems over the past half century, an event that has occured only three times before.